Thank you for this information.
Apparently, our assessments are not that far apart. The duplication of information about which you complained resulted from me writing my response to your first intervention, before the second, more detailed one.
As for the historical roots: That, of course, was a didactic simplification. The CCF has indeed been founded in 1933, but it developed from the Independent Labor Party founded in 1919, which itself developed from trade unionists organising from the 1890s and socialist intellectuals such as James Woodsworth active from the early 20th century. It is in this sense that I meant the historical roots are to be found in the 1890s. Woodsworth himself, by the way, was the personal link between ILP and CCF (whose president he became from 1933), and he himself had been an active socialist agitator from about 1910.

As for right wing gains in the 2000 election, what I was referring to the Canada Alliance party, which may be fairly called, at least, far right. As far as I recall, the swing from the NDP to the Liberals in this election has been widely attributed to fear of the Canada Alliance driving NDP voters - in a first-past-the-post majoritarian electoral system - into the Liberal column. That paradoxically led to Liberal victory and the NDP's collapse at the polls.

Thanks for the information on the change in the regional voting base - I was not aware of that before. It does stand to resaon that the depressed Atlantic provinces would vote NDP - a new development, as you have rightly pointed. The question is whether it could retain this ote and regain its former support base among unionised and public sector workers in the populous, industrial inland pprovinces - Ontario and Manitoba. I believe this is not a long shot - they did it before, and one economic downturn w, or ahigh profile labour dispute, or a privatising attack on the public sector welfare srvices, will suffice to create this effect .
It happened before, after all.